The evolution of matrimony. The most commonly approved form of marriage across the ages was polygamy, in which one man could marry several women, but in a few parts of Asia and India, one woman might be married to several men. Single parent families and stepfamilies were much more widespread in the past than they are today, although unlike today there were around an equal number of single-father and single-mother households. Usually, these family forms were created by high death rates. Despite all the variety of marital arrangements and family values in the past, there were two cross-cultural commonalities that characterized family life through most of history. The first was that, for thousands of years, marriage was not about a man and a woman falling in love and deciding to take their personal relationship to a higher level. Marriage was a way of acquiring influential in-laws, sealing business deals, raising capital, and expanding the family labor force. So one almost universal cross-cultural value was that young people should not be allowed to freely choose their own marriage partner, especially for such a self-indulgent reason as love. The second common theme in the overwhelming majority of marriages through the ages, and one that lasted even longer than the barriers to romantic and sexualized love between husband and wife, was that marriage was traditionally based on the legal, economic, and reproductive subordination of women.[1]

Polygamy in the United States

Boys cast out by polygamists. Woodrow Johnson was 15, and by the rules of the polygamous sect in which his family lived, he had a vice that could condemn them to hell: He liked to watch movies. When his parents discovered his secret stash of DVDs, including the "Die Hard" series and comedies, they burned them and gave him an ultimatum. Stop watching movies, they said, or leave the family and church for good. With television and the Internet also banned as wicked, along with short-sleeve shirts--a sign of immodesty--and staring at girls, let alone dating them, Woodrow made the wrenching decision to go. And so 10 months ago, with only a seventh-grade education and a suitcase of clothes, he was thrown into an unfamiliar world he had been taught to fear. Over the last six years, hundreds of teenage boys have been expelled or felt compelled to leave the polygamous settlement that straddles Colorado City, Ariz., and Hildale, Utah. But help for the teenagers is improving. In St. George, a nearby city where many of them wind up, two private groups, with state aid, have opened the first residence and center for banished boys. It will offer psychological counseling and advice on things they never learned, like how to write a check or ask a girl out politely, as well as a transitional home for eight who will attend school and work part time.[2]

Life in polygamy country. For generations of rural religious polygamists like those Warren S. Jeffs once led, this was the big town and the citadel of sin all in one. St. George, founded on the southern route to California in wagon train days, was the place to buy groceries or spend an occasional night out. But it was also the local fortress of mainstream Mormonism, which is vehement in its opposition to polygamy. The polygamists, in turn, looked down on Mormons as apostates who lost their way more than 100 years ago by denouncing polygamy, and thus the teachings of the church's founder, Joseph Smith, in a political compromise to achieve statehood for Utah. Now Mr. Jeffs is being tried on felony charges that he was an accomplice to rape in arranging polygamous marriages between under-age girls and older men, and the jury is being drawn from a pool of St. George residents. The trial is expected to throw a sharp light on polygamy and on the culture of Mr. Jeffs's group in particular, the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which is estimated to number about 10,000 people throughout the West. Jury selection began Friday, and Mr. Jeffs, 51, could face life in prison if convicted.[3]

Polygamy in Africa and Asia

Did the Africans get it right? Polygamy is practiced in Africa where it has a positive effect on population growth and fertility but at the same time may be harmful to the health and well-being of women and children. Interviews conducted with Ivorian women during the summer of 2002 reveal their concerns that a monogamous relationship may become polygamous in the future; that they have little control over their husbands' taking a second wife.[4]

Success and failure among Beduin polygamous families. In this study, we interviewed 10 polygamous families, all residing in a Bedouin Arab town in the south of Israel and consisting of 1 husband, 2 wives, and children. Five members were interviewed in each family: first wife, second wife, the oldest child of the first wife, the oldest child of the second wife, and the husband. Five families were considered well-functioning families and five as poorly functioning. Findings suggest that polygamy in both well-functioning and poorly functioning families is painful, particularly for wives. Yet, there are many ways and techniques that enable members of the family to function well. Among them are acceptance of polygamy as God's wish or destiny, equal allocation of resources among both families by the husband, separation between the two households, avoidance of "minor" conflicts and disagreements, maintaining an attitude of respect toward the other wife, and allowing open communication among all siblings, and among children and the other mother. We discuss the need to develop, implement, and evaluate family intervention programs for polygamous families among different communities in the world.[5]

Attitudes toward polygamy. A three-part closed questionnaire was distributed to a convenience sampling of 202 men and women, high school students, and older respondents in a Bedouin-Arab town in the Negev, Israel. Those in monogamous families had more positive attitudes toward polygamy than those from polygamous families. The same was true of men versus women, and youth versus older respondents. Perceived reasons for polygamous family structures likewise varied by age and gender. Previous exposure to or experience with the practice may be significant to perceived attitudes and reasons.[6]

Mental health aspects of polygamy in Turkey. Polygamy is illegal in Turkey, but is common among rural villagers in the southeastern region. Polygamous marriage may have a negative effect on the wives involved. The purpose of this study was to determine the extent of the relationship between psychiatric disorder and polygamous marriage. The mental status of 42 senior and 46 junior wives from polygamous marriages and 50 wives from monogamous marriages was evaluated using the Structured Clinical Interview. It is clear that the participants from polygamous families, especially senior wives, reported more psychological distress.[7]

A comparison of family functioning. A sample of 352 Bedouin-Arab women participated in this study: 235 (67%) were in a monogamous marriage and 117 (33%) were in a polygamous marriage. Findings reveal that women in polygamous marriages showed significantly higher psychological distress, and higher levels of somatisation, phobia and other psychological problems. They also had significantly more problems in family functioning, marital relationships and life satisfaction.[8]

Wife abuse and polygamy. This study compared the phenomenon of wife abuse in polygamous and monogamous Bedouin-Arab families. A sample of 81 women (29-39 yrs old) participated in the present study--40 were from polygamous and 41 were from monogamous families. Results indicated higher levels of personal power and lower levels of wife abuse among monogamous as compared to polygamous wives.[9]

Child survival in west Africa. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys from six West African countries, the risks of neonatal, postneonatal, and overall infant mortality are estimated. Controlling for a set of social and biodemographic factors, it is found that substantial risks of mortality are associated with polygyny. A separate analysis explores the possibility that polygyny's impact could differ from country to country. No significant interaction effects are detected, leading to the conclusion that regardless of the country in which it is practiced, polygyny still poses a challenge to the survival chances of West African children.[10]

Jeff Mishlove's Blog Index

Sex differences in jealousy. Researchers examined in three studies whether sex differences in jealousy emerged in humans as solutions to the respective adaptive problems faced by each sex. Subjects were 566 undergraduates. In Study 1, subjects selected which event would upset them more, a partner's sexual infidelity (SI) or emotional infidelity (EI). Study 2 recorded physiological responses (heart rate, electrodermal response, corrugator supercilii contraction) while Ss imagined separately the 2 types of partner infidelity. Study 3 tested the effect of being in a committed sexual relationship on the activation of jealousy. Male Ss, especially those who had been in a committed sexual relationship, tended to react more strongly to SI, while female Ss tended to respond more strongly to EI. Sex differences generalized across psychological and physiological methods.[1]

Paternity uncertainty and male jealousy. In a classic study, Buss, Larson, Westen, and Semmelroth found that men were more distressed by the thought of a partner's sexual infidelity (labeled sexual jealousy) and women were more distressed by the thought of a partner's emotional infidelity (labeled emotional jealousy). Buss and his associates explained the results by suggesting that men are concerned about uncertainty of paternity, that is, the possibility of raising another man's child while believing that the child is their own. To test this explanation, the Desire for Children Scale was created. It was hypothesized that for men scores on this scale would correlate positively with scores on sexual jealousy. The Desire for Children Scale and the two Sexual vs Emotional Jealousy items of Buss and his associates were given to 49 men and 55 women college students enrolled in psychology courses. The hypothesis was confirmed and gives support to the uncertainty of paternity hypothesis.[2]

Jealousy and short-term sexual strategies. In a classic study, Buss, Larson, Westen, and Semmelroth reported that men were more distressed by the thought of a partner's sexual infidelity (sexual jealousy) and women were more distressed by the thought of a partner's emotional infidelity (emotional jealousy). Initially, Buss and his associates explained these results by suggesting that men are concerned about uncertainty of paternity, that is, the possibility of raising another man's child while believing the child is their own. However, later they explained the results in terms of men's preference for short-term sexual strategies. The purpose of this research was to test the explanation of short-term sexual strategies. Men and women subjects were instructed to imagine themselves in a relationship which was either short-term (primarily sexual) or long-term (involving commitment) and then respond to Buss's jealousy items. It was hypothesized that, when both men and women imagined a short-term relationship, they would be more threatened by a partner's sexual infidelity, and, when they imagined a long-term relationship, they would be more threatened by a partner's emotional infidelity. Support was found for this hypothesis.[3]

Processing of cues to infidelity. The hypothesis derived from the evolutionary view of jealousy that men's jealousy mechanism (JM) preferentially processes cues signaling a mate's sexual infidelity, whereas women's JM preferentially processes cues signaling a mate's emotional infidelity was tested. Depending on the condition, the participants were successively presented with a series of cues signaling either a mate's sexual or emotional infidelity in ascending order of cue diagnosticity. The participants had to determine two thresholds of the jealousy feeling. The first threshold dealt with the cue to infidelity that elicits a first pang of jealousy. The second threshold concerned that cue to infidelity where the intensity of the jealousy feeling becomes intolerable. No sex-specific differences were found with respect to the number of cues to sexual or emotional infidelity until the first threshold. However, after the first feeling of jealousy had been elicited, men needed significantly fewer cues to sexual infidelity and women needed significantly fewer cues to emotional infidelity until the second threshold. Moreover, men were significantly faster in determining the two thresholds for cues to sexual infidelity, whereas women were significantly faster for cues to emotional infidelity.[4]

Morbid jealousy & evolutionary psychology. Individuals diagnosed with morbid jealousy have hypersensitive jealousy mechanisms that cause them to have irrational thoughts about their partner's fidelity and to exhibit extreme behaviors. Using a newly constructed database of 398 cases of morbid jealousy reported in the literature from 1940 to 2002, researchers tested four evolutionarily informed hypotheses about normally functioning jealousy mechanisms and applied them to this novel population of individuals diagnosed with morbid jealousy. They hypothesized that a greater percentage of men than women diagnosed with morbid jealousy would be focused on a partner's sexual infidelity and on indicators of a rival's status and resources and that a greater percentage of women than men diagnosed with morbid jealousy would be focused on a partner's emotional infidelity and on indicators of a rival's youth and physical attractiveness. All four hypotheses were supported. The results suggest continuity between normal jealousy and morbid jealousy and highlight the heuristic value of using archival databases to test evolutionarily informed hypotheses.[5]

Evolutionary vs. cognitive explanations of sexual jealousy. Sex differences in romantic jealousy have been widely reported in the recent psychological literature. According to this literature, men are more likely than women to report being more distressed at sexual than emotional infidelity. There are two explanations for this difference: an evolutionary psychological and a social cognitive explanation. According to the evolutionary psychological account, men and women exhibit differences in jealousy because they faced different reproductive challenges during human evolution. According to the social cognitive account, men and women exhibit these differences because they have been socialised to believe that attachment and sex are weighted differently by each gender. In this study, 268 participants completed a questionnaire designed to compare predictions based on these two theories. The results are generally consistent with the evolutionary account. Men are more distressed by sexual infidelity than by emotional infidelity, and this is not accounted for by beliefs about jealousy that they hold about men, women or themselves.[6]

Jealousy among swinging couples. Swinging involves consensual mutual involvement in extra-dyadic sex. Jealousy in swinging couples is an interesting topic for social psychological research, because it is a common and acceptable response to a romantic partner's real or imagined infidelity. This qualitative study examined the management of jealousy among four active heterosexual swinging couples living in southern England. Participants highlighted the importance of discussion and negotiation to develop a shared couple identity and shared rules and boundaries that allowed them to manage jealousy so that they could better enjoy swinging. Rather than seeking to eliminate jealousy, swingers may manage their feelings of jealousy in order to increase sexual excitement and arousal.[7]

College men and jealousy. Two-hundred ninety-one undergraduates at a large southeastern university completed a confidential, anonymous forty-four- item questionnaire on jealousy. Men reacted differently than women when jealous; they were significantly more likely to turn to alcohol and to believe that the more jealous they were (and maybe expressed this violently), the more they showed their love. Social learning theory provides insights into these findings in that men are socialized to use alcohol to reduce unpleasant feelings rather than turn to friends. They are also socialized to react with anger/revenge when hurt.[8]

Jealousy evoking characteristics of a sexual rival. This study examined the role of waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) and shoulder-to-hip ratio (SHR) of the rival in evoking jealousy in an adult sample of 70 men and 69 women. Women paid more attention to the rivals' waist, hips, and hair, and men paid more attention to the rivals' shoulders. Potential rivals with a low as opposed to a high waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) evoked more jealousy in women than in men, particularly among women with a low WHR. Among women, the low WHR-high SHR rival the V-type body build evoked the highest level of jealousy and was perceived as most attractive and the most socially and physically dominant. In contrast, among men the low WHR-low SHR rival, that is, a rival with a linear and slender body build, evoked the highest level of jealousy and was perceived as the most attractive and socially dominant, but not as the most physically dominant. As men were older, the SHR of the rival was a less important factor in evoking jealousy, whereas among women jealousy in response to the rival's WHR was not affected by age.[9]

Here are three recent research studies that speak to the relationship between love and sex:

Sexual relationships in young adulthood may have important ramifications for individuals' physical and emotional well-being. A subsample of 6,421 participants in Wave 3 of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (18-26-year-olds) who were in a sexual relationship of at least three months'duration were selected for analysis. Multiple logistic regression models were used to explore the relationship between love and various sexual activities.Eighty percent of respondents had engaged in cunnilingus and fellatio as wellas vaginal intercourse in their current relationship; this group included 22%who also had engaged in anal sex. Compared with their peers who reported that they and their partner did not love each other a lot, both males and females who reported mutually loving relationships had significantly higher odds ofhaving given oral sex (odds ratios, 3.9 and 2.6, respectively) and having received oral sex (1.8 and 3.3); males in mutually loving relationships also had elevated odds of having had anal sex (3.1). Most young adult couples in long-term relationships engage in a variety of sexual practices with loving partners; the direction of causality in this association and its implicationsfor relationship building require exploration.[1]

This study examined heterosexual romantic partners' number of intercourse partners prior to the initiation of their relationship to determine if a significant positive correlation (matching) occurred between partners, and if this matching was associated with their level of love, satisfaction with, and commitment to the relationship. One hundred and six couples who were dating, cohabitating, or married participated in this study. Results indicated that, with the exception of cohabitating couples, romantic partners showed a significant level of matching in the prior number of intercourse partners. Further, among the married couples, a higher discrepancy between men's and women's number of previous intercourse partners was related to lower levels of love, satisfaction, and commitment in the relationship.[2]

How do physical affection, sexual activity, mood, and stress influence one another in the daily lives of mid-aged women? Fifty-eight women (median age, 47.6 yrs) recorded physical affection, several different sexual behaviors, stressful events, and mood ratings every morning for 36 weeks. Using multilevel modeling, we determined that physical affection or sexual behavior with a partner on one day significantly predicted lower negative mood and stress and higher positive mood on the following day. The relation did not hold for orgasm without a partner. Additionally, positive mood on one day predicted more physical affection and sexual activity with a partner, but fewer solo orgasms the following day. Negative mood was mostly unrelated to next-day sexual activityor physical affection. Sexual orientation, living with a partner, and duration of relationship moderated some of these effects. Results support a bidirectional causal model in which dyadic sexual interaction and physical affection improve mood and reduce stress, with improved mood and reduced stress in turn increasing the likelihood of future sex and physical affection.[3]

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New Zealand

New Zealand provides a microcosm in which to consider ethnicity, indigeneity, migration and intermarriage, and their interacting effects on society, culture, identity and health outcomes. In the 2001 Census, of those who responded to the ethnicity question, at a level 1 classification 7.9% gave more than one response. In relation to the indigenous people of New Zealand, of all those who recorded Maori as one or more of their ethnic groups, only 56% recorded Maori only. In the younger age groups, less than half the Maori ethnic group were Maori only. Single ethnic categories disguise considerable within-group diversity in outcomes. Based on the New Zealand experience, as international migration continues, and as intermarriage becomes more frequent in most countries, there will be pressure to move from single group race-based measures towards culturally-based complex ethnicity measures.[1]

U.S. Hispanics

Intermarriage patterns between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites over the 1990 to 2000 period in 155 U.S. metropolitan areas was examined, using data from the 1990 and 2000 Census Public Use Microdata Samples. Intermarriage between U.S. Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites declined during the 1990s, a result fueled in part by burgeoning immigration of Hispanics, especially Mexicans. The 1990s also ushered in a period of increasing Hispanic segregation from non-Hispanic whites, growing language barriers, and accelerated educational inequality, which also dampened Hispanic-white intermarriage rates. Conclusions: Our results imply that the Hispanic population is at a transition point, if intermarriage rates are an indication.[2]

United States

Over the past four decades, immigration has increased the racial and ethnic diversity in the United States. Once a mainly biracial society with a large white majority and relatively small black minority--and an impenetrable color line dividing these groups--the United States is now a society composed of multiple racial and ethnic groups. Along with increased immigration are rises in the rates of racial/ethnic intermarriage, which in turn have led to a sizeable and growing multiracial population. Currently, 1 in 40 persons identifies himself or herself as multiracial, and this figure could soar to 1 in 5 by the year 2050. Increased racial and ethnic diversity brought about by the new immigration, rising intermarriage, and patterns of multiracial identification may be moving the nation far beyond the traditional and relatively persistent black/white color line.[3]

England

One way of measuring religious affiliation is to look at rites of initiation such as baptism. English statistics show that for the first time since the Church of England was founded, less than half the nation is Anglican on this criterion. The pattern of formal religious transmission changed during the Second World War. Previously christening was quasi-universal, and the Church of England was the preferred provider. By the end of the war baptism was evidently optional, and chosen principally by parents whose religious identities matched. A demographic theory of advanced secularization is outlined that specifies a proximal cause for declining religious affiliation, and provides tools for predicting the changes to be expected over future decades. The theory also helps to explain why affiliation may fall most quickly where there is most religious diversity.[4]

Arab Americans

Examined Arab American intermarriage using 1990 US Census data. Results indicate high rates of intermarriage consistent with an assimilation perspective. Over 80% of US-born Arabs had non-Arab spouses, implying a diminishing ethnic identification. Logistic regressions show that for both sexes, those with part Arab ancestry, the US born, those with strong English-language ability, and the highly educated were significantly more likely to out-marry, as were Arabs of Lebanese ancestry. It is concluded that the cultural and structural assimilation of Arab Americans is facilitating intermarriage, with indicators of acculturation being the strongest predictors, especially for women.[5]

Hawaii

Intermarriage is one of the most salient demographic features of Hawaii. Between 1983 and 1994, 46% of all marriages contracted in Hawaii were racially exogamous. Over 80% of these intermarriages were formed among 4 major ethnic groups in the islands: Caucasians, Japanese, Filipinos and Hawaiians. In a broad sense, people choose their mate on the basis of equal socioeconomic status, either within or across boundaries of race and ethnicity. Gender differences are very small, indicating that status is equally important for both men and women in choosing a marital partner. However, these patterns suggest that groups of very high and very low status have a very restricted marriage market. Continued intermarriage also raises questions about how to measure race and ethnicity in the islands.[6]